Natalia Viana, editor from the revered Brazilian investigative journalism website Agência Pública, recently published a 5 element series based mostly on info shared from leaked Telegram discussions revealed by Intercept Brasil as part of the Vaza Jato scandal.
In the series, she shows how Lava Jato activity drive director, general public prosecutor Deltan Dallagnol, obtained fiscal compensation through an asset sharing scheme primarily based on kickbacks from fines that the US Govt gathered from Brazilian businesses and persons. In accordance to Viana, for the duration of a meeting in which they negotiated the asset sharing offer, Deltan obtained a funds payment. In a leaked message Dallagnol suggests, “yesterday we spoke with them about ‘assets sharing’ of fines linked with the steps from Petrobras, and there is a good viewpoint in some of these values. ‘Asset sharing’ is an classy expression for division of the income.”
Viana not long ago explained some of the vital points of her series in a 28 issue thread, whole of hyperlinks and citations. The total sequence is reproduced right here in English as follows:
1) Communications among Deltan Dallagnol and the US Department of Justice go back to at least 2015. In February of that 12 months, Attorney Basic Rodrido Janot traveled with Dallagnol and other community prosecutors to the United states to existing the investigation to authorities and negotiate a judicial partnership offer.
2) George “Ren” McEchern, then-chief of the FBI’s International Corruption Device, said that the FBI started “looking for nations around the world that could invite FBI agents into analyze corruption investigations that have a relationship to the United States,” in 2014.
3) In Oct 2015, Dallagnol and his colleagues coordinated a go to by DOJ prosecutors and FBI brokers, who gave them an “excellent briefing about plea discount testimony”. In return, they had been introduced to the attorneys from defendants who had been negotiating plea deal bargains in the circumstances against Odebrecht and Petrobras.
4) The Lava Jato undertaking force hid this visit from the federal federal government. Eduardo Cardozo, who was Justice Minister at the time, advised Agência Pública that he bought afraid. “I was warned by the Federal Law enforcement that there was an American group in Curitiba establishing a dialogue with authorities. The Federal Law enforcement asked me if we had authorized this. I hadn’t read just about anything about it.” Cardozo reported that he challenged Attorney Typical Rodrigo Janot, who confident that it was “an solely non-functional activity” with “some type of tutorial purpose”.
5) Any pay a visit to of this type that is not approved by the Justice Ministry is illegal. However, when questioned by the Justice Ministry, Lava Jato prosecutors certain them that it was not a “due diligence” and hid the names of the FBI brokers who were being in the entourage “in get not to bring about problems” with the American federal government.
6) Files received by Intercept Brazil display that the American agents ended up going to Curitiba to “gather supplemental evidence about the Petrobras case” and “talk to legal professionals about their clients’ cooperation with the investigation underway in the USA”.
7) Immediately after the stop by, prosecutors prompt methods for the US to bypass the Federal Supreme Court docket to interrogate Brazilians. A Telegram information reads“ Now we have a way to encourage businesses and people to expose specifics: threatening to inform‘ the American authorities ’about corruption and intercontinental crimes (laughs)”.
8) Afterwords, the Lawyer Standard was worried when he uncovered that the Individuals ended up by now interrogating witnesses to the case in the United States. At this level, Dallagnol tells him it is much too late to go back again: “The United states of america has the knife and cheese in its fingers,” he states on Telegram.
9) The adhering to year, DOJ prosecutors and FBI brokers returned to Brazil to interrogate the to start with Lava Jato whistle blowers. This time they arrived with a signed judicial collaboration arrangement (MLAT). In RJ, they listened to Nestor Cerveró and Paulo Roberto Costa for 9 several hours just about every.
10) All through this pay a visit to, they also passed by way of Curitiba, in which they listened to the income changer Alexandre Yousseff for six hrs, as perfectly as Agosthilde Mônaco de Carvalho, a previous adviser to Cerveró who worked on the purchase of the Pasadena refinery, in Texas.
11) In October 2015, US Government reps began declaring, in closed meetings, that they have been imagining about imposing a $1.6 billion good on Petrobras.
12) Through the next check out, Dallagnol appeared pleased: “Yesterday we spoke with them about ‘assets sharing’ of fines linked with the steps from Petrobras,” he mentioned on Telegram, “and there is a beneficial viewpoint in some of these values. ‘Asset sharing’ is an classy expression for division of the hard cash.”
13) From that point forwards, Brazilian prosecutors talked over the chance of using a portion of these fines to produce a foundation over which they would have an clear affect, which would assist anti-corruption initiatives and training.
14) At the exact same time, Dallagnol and Roberson Pozzobom mentioned opening a company to function in the identical area: “We are likely to manage conventions and functions and revenue from them, Alright?” Dallagnol wrote to his wife.
15) Their proximity led Brazilian prosecutors to use the partnership to check out to raise additional resources. At one particular issue, they contacted a Singapore dependent firm so that they could include the DOJ and “increase the value”, in accordance to Dallagnol.
16) I did a great deal of analysis on Leslie Backschies, who now coordinates the FBI’s Intercontinental Corruption Device. She is fluent in Portuguese and her middle name is “Rodrigues”. Her 1st recorded take a look at to Brazil is in 2012, when she arrived to coach Brazilian Armed forces Law enforcement agents for the Globe Cup.
17) Leslie Baskschies also came to the 2015 assembly, but did not return in 2016. But she was nicely recognised to the prosecutors: Thame and Dallagnol communicate fondly of her.
18) At an party in São Paulo in 2019, Ren McEchern mentioned Backschies was sent to Brazil in 2014 to guide in the Lava Jato investigations. In an additional lecture, McEchern praised his previous worker for undertaking “tremendous work” that was “fundamental for the FBI”.
19) Backschies rose up the ranks in the FBI right after acting in the Lava Jato instances: she became head of the 4 FBI units that examine international corruption and explained to the AP: “We saw a great deal of exercise in South The usa – Odebrecht, Petrobras. We have had a whole lot of function there”
20) It is worth mentioning the job of other FBI brokers. Patrick Kramer, for illustration, labored in the Gulf War and spent 6 months at the São Paulo Consulate operating on “corruption cases” in 2016. All symptoms suggest that he served as an middleman with Lava Jato prosecutors.
21) One of the most controversial Telegram conversations is an exchange, most likely the most incisive, among Vladimir Aras, from the Brazilian Lawyer General’s Business with Deltan Dallagnol. Arras is a expert in global cooperation and warned Deltan that it was illegal to converse directly with the American authorities.
22) Why is this relationship problematic? Initial of all, it is critical to understand that underneath the US Overseas Corrupt Procedures Act, the US Division of Justice conducts the investigation. [Unlike in Brazil] there is no separation in the United states of america amongst public prosecutors and the executive branch of authorities.
23) According to an Associated Press report primarily based on an interview with Leslie Baskschies, Brazilian community prosecutors and the FBI spoke each and every 15 times to converse about the political and financial effects of the investigations.
24) In the interview, Baskchies suggests: “When you are seeking at international officers in other governments — I mean, glance, in Malaysia, the president was not re-elected. We noticed presidents toppled in Brazil. These are the final results of circumstances like this.”
25) It is not, therefore, as, as ex-choose Sergio Moro place it past 7 days, an concern of whether the DOJ or the CIA is at fault if a politician is caught shelling out bribes.
26) The question is a lot more essential: can a governing administration from a different nation be invited to investigate bribes that have happened involving Brazilian firms and Brazilian citizens, to punish them in their region? And even worse, can it do this devoid of remaining questioned by authorities or the press?
27) These thoughts are elementary for any region to reflect on relating to its function in the earth. No self-respecting journalist can disregard the geopolitical challenges that contact, renovate and shape the background and destiny of the people today in their state.
28) It is worth remembering that, as Jair Bolsonaro’s Justice Minister, former Lava Jato decide Sergio Moro opened the doorways even wider for the FBI, providing it entry to a checkpoint on the triple border involving Brazil, Paraguay and Argentina, which is a strategic issue made use of by the United states under the pretext of fighting worldwide terrorism.
This posting at first appeared in Brasil 247, was translated by Brian Mier, and can be browse in Portuguese below.
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